The new combine has given the BJP and Congress a new front to battle. On its own, the alliance is unlikely to win but it will play spoiler in many constituencies as Dalits are traditional voters of the Congress and the Saini community usually votes for the BJP.
The new party has its origins in his antipathy for the dominant Jats of Haryana, which was fuelled after the violence of the Jat reservation stir. Haryana has an almost 29 per cent Jat population but Dalits makes up 20 per cent of the population.
Of the over 50 lakh Dalits, over 24 lakh are Chamars and the rest largely divided between Balmikis and Dhanaks. The non-Jat population is much higher but not united. Saini wants to bring together the backward classes under one umbrella. A prominent OBC leader of the state, Saini turned rebel in when he opposed the manner in which the Manohar Lal Khattar-led BJP government began placating the Jats despite the unprecedented violence that had marked the Jat reservation agitation in These included the Sainis, Ahirs, Punjabis and Khatris among others.
But the Sangathan could not do much to contain the Jat violence, which went on uninterrupted for three days even as the state machinery and army remained mute spectators. The businesses of Punjabis, Sainis and others were targeted by the rampaging Jats who went about burning and looting shops and buildings.
Saini then created a Lok Suraksha Manch to protect the interest of the affected communities. Last year, it turned it into the Lok Suraksha Party. Saini began speaking out against the Jats, openly condemning the BJP government for even considering giving reservation to a community that is already one of the most affluent and powerful in Haryana.
He began to say that every benefit given to the Jats was at the cost of the backward classes. This is the second time that the BSP has allied with a Haryana party in the past year. Haryana votes on 12 May. Though the LSP-BSP combine is harbouring no dreams of consolidating the entire non-Jat vote, it is certain that it can offer a strong alternative to Dalits and backward castes.
Campaigning on a no-holds-barred anti-Jat narrative on these seats, the BSP-LSP combine is vying for the backward caste votes as well as the Dalit vote-bank to outnumber the Jat votes. The BSP too is looking for a revival in the state after its gradual depletion over the years. It last won a parliamentary seat in and its vote share has fallen dramatically — from We are going to fill that gap.
Even though the population of the Sainis is only about 3 per cent across the state, it is clustered substantially in and around Kurukshetra. The BJP has had to follow the traditional pattern of giving the ticket to a Saini here, fielding cabinet minister Nayab Singh Saini for the contest. Rajkumar Saini had announced that he will contest against the former chief minister and prominent Jat leader Bhupinder Singh Hooda from Sonipat but he failed to file his nomination papers on time and will be campaigning for his candidates.
We have put up a Jat candidate in Faridabad. ThePrint is now on Telegram. Subscribe to our YouTube channel. Oh really! Now I noticed one thing the writer belongs to punjabi community, that is why you did not mention about the deaths of innocent Jat community agitators, nearly 50 people died by Police or CRPF soldiers. You also did not mention who was the master mind behind this violence, but I tell you it was Mr.
That is why the government did not publicize the report. No body is so fool, we understand everything and this time the results will tell everything. Change your thought Mr writer this is high time the reader is not so foolish which take your bullshit.
Save my details. Thursday, 16 April, Mayawati should worry. Seems writer is unbiased and igorant about the politics and facts. I call him foolish.In any other state, Pundri might be seen as more of an exception.
A day before voting, a small group of men here offered a snapshot of the fiesty voters who remain unswayed by party appeals and loyalties. It is not as if Pundri is immune to the BJP which conquered Haryana for the first time in the Assembly election without using the crutch of a regional party.
And then stamped its dominance by sweeping all 10 Lok Sabha seats just five months ago. So why, on the day after most exit polls have predicted a BJP sweep of Haryana, must one listen to a group of voters who seemed all set to choose an Independent again? You hear it in the sheer lack of scandal with which voters talk about candidates changing party loyalties. And in their casual predictions that the winning candidate, whichever symbol he is elected on, will switch to the victorious party.
In all parties, including the state BJP — in which Narendra Modi and Manohar Lal Khattar are seen as exceptions to the rule — family is attached to the candidate, or the candidate to the family, and the party comes in a distant second. In Rohtak, bastion of Congress heavyweight and former CM Bhupinder Singh Hooda, the party posters prominently feature him with son Deepender, even though Deepender, defeated in the last Lok Sabha election, is not in the fray.
I have been true to the legacy of Chaudhary Devi Lal, the others only take his name You hear voter disbelief, most of all, in that difficult-to-translate word you hear in Haryana, over and over again: Chaudhar. But it speaks, matter-of-factly, about the politics of power, and power play. The recruitment to 18, Group D posts this time, the manner in which it took place, was the exception to politics-as-usual.
The message, mostly, has been of a break from the past. For the rest, the BJP strategy has banked on a consolidation of resentments — of the non-Jat castes — combined with an appeal to rashtravaad nationalismspecifically on Article In and around Rohtak, the epicentre of the Jat agitation for quotas that turned violent inthe BJP found fertile ground among the non-Jat castes for a campaign that played upon their festering grievances.
Jat and non-Jat voters, divided as they may be, agree on one thing: The removal of Article is good, PM Modi has done well to remove the special status of Kashmir.
There is little or no empathy with the Kashmiri people, still under lockdown. On the other side, the Congress can only hope that raging unemployment and evident farmer distress will brighten its electoral prospects. Organisationally, it is a waning presence in an erstwhile bastion. Politically, the party has presented no new face, no new idea, that could help it combat or divert attention from the old charges of regional and caste discrimination for the Rohtak region, and for Jats attracted by the Hooda regimes.
And it is incoherent, when it is not silent, on Article The new face in Haryana is a chip off the old block. Its main promise speaks to pessimistic times: Haryana for Haryanvis. On the eve of results, then, the question is: How mich of an echo do the voices from Pundri find across Haryana?
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How can we improve? Please give an overall site rating:.It was carved out of the former state of East Punjab on 1 November on a linguistic basis. It is ranked 22nd in terms of area, with less than 1. Among the world's oldest and largest ancient civilisations, the Indus Valley Civilization sites at Rakhigarhi village in Hisar district and Bhirrana in Fatehabad district are 9, years old.
Since Haryana surrounds the country's capital Delhi on three sides north, west and southconsequently a large area of Haryana is included in the economically-important National Capital Region for the purposes of planning and development.
The villages of Rakhigarhi in Hisar district and Bhirrana in Fatehabad district are home to the largest and one of the world's oldest ancient Indus Valley Civilization sites, dated at over 9, years old. Evidence of paved roads, a drainage system, a large-scale rainwater collection storage system, terracotta brick and statue production, and skilled metal working in both bronze and precious metals have been uncovered.गाँव पनिहारी में 36 बिरादरी के लोगो से बात कि..
According to archaeologists, Rakhigarhi may be the origin of Harappan civilisation, which arose in the Ghaggar basin in Haryana and gradually and slowly moved to the Indus valley.
The south of Haryana is the claimed location of the Vedic Brahmavarta region. Pushyabhuti dynasty ruled parts of northern India in 7th century with its capital at Thanesar.
Harsha was a prominent king of the dynasty. Tomara dynasty ruled the south Haryana region in 10th century. Anangpal Tomar was a prominent king among the Tomaras. When he reached the town of Sarsuti Sirsathe residents, who were mostly non-Muslims, fled and were chased by a detachment of Timur's troops, with thousands of them being killed and looted by the troops. From there he travelled to Fatehabad, whose residents fled and a large number of those remaining in the town were massacred.
The Ahirs resisted him at Ahruni but were defeated, with thousands being killed and many being taken prisoners while the town was burnt to ashes. From there he travelled to Tohanawhose Jat inhabitants were stated to be robbers according to Sharaf ad-Din Ali Yazdi. They tried to resist but were defeated and fled. Timur's army pursued and killed Jatswhile taking many more as prisoners. He then sent a detachment to chase the fleeing Jats and killed 2, of them while their wives and children were enslaved and their property plundered.
Timur proceeded to Kaithal whose residents were massacred and plundered, destroying all villages along the way.An analysis of the results in Haryana reveals that caste-based voting is anything but dead.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, after winning the Lok Sabha elections, said in this election people had decimated caste-based politics, which dominated the Hindi heartland. It could even help the Bharatiya Janata Party win a second successive term in the state in the forthcoming assembly polls.
AAP’s ‘Bhaichara Kanwar Yatra’ set to win support in Haryana
The BJP has set for itself a target of abki baar 75 paar This time it will be 75 plus seats in the assembly elections, scheduled for October. Significantly, the assembly segments the BJP won are fairly populated by various castes, but those led by the opposition are either Jat or Muslim-dominated seats. And all the constituencies where the Congress took the lead are Jat-dominated.
The Jats have been the dominant political class in the state despite constituting just 27 per cent of the population. Manohar Lal Khattar, the current incumbent, became the first non-Jat chief minister of the state after 18 years in The large-scale violence during the agitation, which claimed more than 30 lives, created a fertile ground for the BJP to make a rainbow coalition of 35 communities against the Jats.
However, this election was fought on the issue of nationalism instead of local matters. While only 14 per cent of the Muslims voted for the BJP, 50 per cent Jats also voted for the party, which indicates nationalism was a key issue.
Since the February violence, the state has seen three elections -- mayoral election inJind by-polls in Januaryand the Lok Sabha election in May.
The INLD, which got 24 per cent of the vote share inreceived just about 1. Every caste had voted for the BJP and it is a party which takes along all chhattis biradari caste. The BJP is hopeful of winning a second term on the back of pro-incumbency for Khattar, his image of being an honest administrator and even-handed in treating all regions of the state, and the 35 versus one formula. The government had provided jobs to overpeople till March Get Rediff News in your Inbox:. Print this article.
Vikas, nationalism no match for caste in Bihar. Election verdict is not the end of politics in India. Even BJP needs to look beyond caste and religion.
India aims for Industry now staring at higher operations cost. On this day: Sri Lankan legend Muralitharan was born. More like this Did the liberals lose the elections? Who did you vote for?Jump to navigation. Though the Jat community has dominated Haryana politics for nearly two decades, the focus now is on non-Jat politics and voters. The reason is simple - non-Jats communities outnumber the Jats.
While Jats form around 27 per cent of the electorate in Haryana, other communities like Brahmins, Dalits and Sikhs account for the remaining 73 per cent of the voters. Dalits with In the last 48 years, the Jat community has given five of the nine chief ministers in the state. Among the four non-Jat chief ministers, late Bhajan Lal wielded considerable influence and clout in the state.
Political observers feel that the break-up has made the poll contest a multi-cornered fight this time. Bishnoi has already joined hands with Sharma in the state. The people want an overall development and not a community specific agenda which the Congress pursues," HJC chief Kuldeep Bishnoi said.
We are going to form the government in the state," he said. The ruling Congress in Haryana has gone all out to woo the Jats by introducing quotas for the community. Non-Jats rule caste politics in poll-bound Haryana While Jats form around 27 per cent of the electorate in Haryana, other communities like Brahmins, Dalits and Sikhs account for the remaining 73 per cent of the voters.
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Haryana: BJP’s task cut out in seats dominated by Muslims, hit by 2016 Jat quota stir
Get real-time alerts and all the news on your phone with the all-new India Today app. Download from. Post your comment. Do You Like This Story? Now share the story Too bad. Tell us what you didn't like in the comments.It would be the first time for AAP when they will contest elections in Haryana next year.
Four years ago, the party successfully contested parliamentary polls in neighbouring Punjab and won four seats.
Last year, AAP also contested the assembly polls in Punjab and tasted success. AAP emerged as the main opposition party in the state although at one time it looked like it would come to power in the state. AAP also ventured unsuccessfully in Goa elections. But for now, the party is only concentrating in Haryana where it spots a big chance. With the Indian National Lok Dal out of power for about 15 years and Congress struggling to come to grip after ruling Haryana for 10 years, AAP feels it has the best chance in to come to power if the anti-incumbency factor grows against the ruling BJP.
One such move of the party was visible when it undertook a yatra campaign from Haridwar to Rohtak in Haryana from August 1 to 9 carrying the pious Gangajal and distributing it to the leaders of various parties after the end of the yatra. The volunteers then began a foot march carrying the kanwar. He also said that Gangajal will help cleanse the minds of the political leaders.
AAP never ever thinks of doing any harm to the people. The party is always for the progress, welfare and development of the state and the people. The Gangajal given to the BJP leaders will remind them of their forgotten promises.
The BJP promised development, jobs to the youth, law and order and maintaining peace and brotherhood in the state, but it has miserably failed on all these fronts. It is, therefore, time these leaders realise how they have failed the people, he said. Jaihind went on to say that it was not just the BJP which had failed the people.
There is leadership fight in the Congress. Both the leaders are also holding yatras in their own capacity. He even said said both leaders have personal interest in their mind. It is most unfortunate that they do not think about the welfare of the people. But the AAP aims to create brotherhood among various sections of people. In the name of casteism riots are taking place everywhere and the BJP and other parties are taking full advantage of the disturbed situation.
We are also carrying out a membership drive in the state. In this regard I have held several meetings in Panchkula and Kalka, said Sharma. They try various tactics to influence people but no one ever takes them seriously. The Congress party under Bhupinder Singh Hooda will form the government after next elections in Haryana. People are fed up with the BJP rule in Haryana based on falsehood. The BJP government has failed on all fronts.
Thursday, April 16, When a mob unleashed violence on backward-caste-dominated Chhavani Mohalla in Jhajjar during the Jat quota stir in February, only one shop in the colony market survived. It was that of electrician Sri Om Hooda. The others, belonging to Sainis and other backward castes, were looted and then set on fire. Hooda had been running his shop in the market for 20 years. Days after the stir, he was asked to move out.
Hooda runs his shop across the road, in a market owned by Jats. When I came back on February 29, I was asked to move out. I asked my landlord if he had any problems with me.
Ramesh Birla, a Punjabi, ran a multi-storeyed showroom for readymade garments in the old bus-stand market at Jhajjar city. During the February stir, it was looted and set on fire. Birla has since shifted his business to Delhi. But before leaving, he talked about how he no more sees Jhajjar as his home.
Kehne lage ki man utar gaya He said his heart was broken. The stories of Birla and Hooda are a symbol of the chasm that the violent February stir has left between Jats and non Jats in Haryana. A chasm that has caused many non-Jats to shift their business out, queered electoral calculations of aspiring Jat politicians, and left authorities more worried than the fear of the Jat quota stir turning violent again.
In the municipal committee elections held in Jhajjar in May, only one of the 19 seats was won by a Jat candidate. Earlier, anywhere between five to seven seats went to the community, a dominant caste in Haryana. We have exercised it this time. We in fact ensured that backward caste votes were not split. Ishwer Sharma, the president of the municipal council, concedes that backward castes showed more unity.
However, he adds, the unprecedented results for Jats were the result of other factors too. The realisation that the violent agitation had backfired in many ways is cited as one of the reasons for the muted response of Jats to the second phase of the quota stir that kicked off on Sunday.
Only 50 people gathered at the designated protest site in Jhajjar. By 3 pm, people were back home. Vikas Barak, a Jat whose store Bharat Gun House in Rohtak was looted by rioters during the February stir, says his community has only faced ostracism since then.